Uzbekistan At A Crossroads: Reform Meets Resistance Amid Assassination Attempts

On October 26, Komil Allamjonov, a prominent reform advocate and former deputy head of Uzbekistan’s Presidential Administration, narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in Tashkent’s Kibray District.

Two masked men reportedly fired multiple shots at his vehicle — a Range Rover — yet no injuries were reported. Although the attack lasted mere moments, its political impact continues to shake Uzbekistan.

A Clash Of Visions

The attempt on Allamjonov’s life — along with an earlier plot against Dmitry Li, head of the National Agency of Project Management — underscores an escalating power struggle.

On one end of the spectrum, reformists like Allamjonov and Saida Mirziyoyeva envision a transparent, liberalized Uzbekistan, dismantling monopolies and promoting an open society. Conversely, entrenched elites and shadow power networks have everything to lose if Uzbekistan transitions away from patronage and secrecy.

This is quite an unprecedented case. In Uzbekistan, firearms are rarely used in inter-elite conflicts. You can expect a lot from Kadyrov, though — it really could be a serious threat if he sets his mind to it. observed Temur Umarov, a political analyst at Carnegie.

The Office: A State Within A State

A clandestine network known as “The Office” has taken center stage in the controversy.

Allegedly formed by Otabek Umarov — former deputy head of the Presidential Security Service and President Mirziyoyev's son-in-law — this group has been linked to extortion, forced takeovers of profitable businesses, and intimidation of dissenters.

Umarov essentially built a state within a state. By leveraging his ties to the security services, he posed a legitimate threat to the country’s stability. Raiding businesses, demanding ownership stakes, and imprisoning those who opposed him — that was the modus operandi.said Alisher Ilkhamov, Director of Central Asia Due Diligence. 

According to multiple reports, Komil Allamjonov first brought “The Office” to President Mirziyoyev’s attention.

The President initiated sweeping investigations, leading to the network’s partial dismantling. However, many of its members escaped accountability, setting the stage for future reprisals.

A Wave Of Dismissals In Security Services

As President Mirziyoyev began dismantling the structures that supported “The Office,” a series of high-profile dismissals followed.

Key security figures, including Abdusalom Azizov, head of the State Security Service (SGB); Sarvar Ashurov, assistant to the Prime Minister; and Alijan Ashurov, head of the SGB’s Internal Security Department, were practically removed from their positions overnight.

Further dismissals included Akhrorjon Adhamov, head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Criminal Investigation Department, Daniyar Tashkhodjaev, first deputy head of the Tashkent police, and Timur Sobirov, head of the anti-organized crime division of the Tashkent police.

The National Information Agency of Uzbekistan later confirmed that all personnel decisions were directly linked to the investigation of the assassination attempt on Komil Allamjonov. Independent sources further clarified that some dismissed officials actively sought to influence the direction and tactics of the investigation.

A veteran Central Asia analyst, Arkady Dubnov, commented on the dismissals:

These personnel changes signify Mirziyoyev’s intent and readiness to prevent the SGB from turning into a ‘state within a state.’ This echoes the era of Rustam Inoyatov when the security apparatus often served the specific interests of its leaders, undermining the rule of law in the country.

Chechen Operatives And The Kadyrov Connection

In August 2024, two Russian citizens of Chechen ethnicity — identified as Bislán Rasaev and Shamil Temirkhanov — allegedly entered Uzbekistan under forged identities.

Tied to Chechen leader Ramzan Kadyrov and implicated in targeted killings abroad, the pair were rumored to have been promised $1.5 million to kill Allamjonov and Dmitry Li. Their plan reportedly collapsed under murky circumstances.

Shortly thereafter, Uzbek national Javlon Yunusov stepped in, recruiting Shokhrukh Akhmedov for a similar hit. Armed with an AK-47 and Molotov cocktails, Akhmedov’s weapon malfunctioned, thwarting the assassination.

Kadyrov publicly and cryptically denied involvement: 

His statements, however, did little to dispel suspicions of Chechen influence in Tashkent.

But it also exposes the extent of his networks. He who has something to hide is usually the most defensive about it. The fact that Kadyrov so passionately came out in defense of Umarov shows they’re in league together, added Ilkhamov. 

Moscow’s Silence: A Calculated Move?

Uzbekistan’s decision to remain outside the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and its efforts to block migrant participation in Russia’s military campaigns have frustrated Moscow. 

Uzbekistan’s refusal to join the EAEU irritated Moscow. This could have pushed the Kremlin to support alternative forces through Kadyrov, Ilkhamov said.

Arkady Dubnov also weighed in on the Kremlin’s reluctance:

There are two reasons for the lack of official reaction. First, the Kremlin is extremely meticulous about any criticism of Ramzan Kadyrov, both internal and external. Kadyrov’s role in Russian politics is disproportionate to his official status as a regional leader. His influence is deeply rooted in the outcomes of the Chechen wars, creating obligations for the Kremlin towards the Kadyrov clan, which played a crucial role in maintaining Chechnya within Russia. Second, from a formal perspective, the Kremlin's lack of an official reaction to the attempted assassination of Allamjonov is traditionally explained as follows: 'This is not within our area of responsibility; all questions should be directed to the FSB, the Prosecutor General's Office, etc.'

The Kremlin may respond if there is a direct appeal from President Mirziyoyev himself or his office.