From Senate to Unicameral System? Toqayev’s Proposal and What It Means

The Senate, which for three decades shared legislative power with the Majilis and earned a reputation as an arena for respected politicians, may soon become history.

President Qasym-Jomart Toqayev has proposed that Kazakhstan take a decisive step — abolish its bicameral parliament and hold a referendum in 2027 to decide the fate of the upper house. 

Orda.kz looks back at the Senate’s history and development.

The History of One Chamber

In August 1995, a referendum approved a new Constitution that for the first time introduced a bicameral parliament in Kazakhstan, with the Senate as the upper house and the Majilis as the lower.

The first session took place on January 30, 1996. Senators were both elected (two from each region and from the capital) and appointed — though the president could appoint only part of them, namely seven.

In 1998, constitutional amendments extended the senatorial term to six years, with half the chamber renewed every three years. New representatives were also added from newly created regions.

This turned the Senate into a stable, regularly updated upper house.

Until 2007, the president appointed seven senators.

That year, it was increased to 15 — widely seen as consolidating Nazarbayev’s power and cementing Kazakhstan’s super-presidential system.

Since 2022, Kazakhstan has pursued the course of “New Kazakhstan.” Toqayev announced the need to minimize presidential influence and strengthen the role of parliament.

One concrete step was reducing the number of appointed senators from 15 to 10 — with half (five) nominated by the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan, to ensure ethnic representation.

The Constitutional Court, which had existed until 1995, was restored and resumed work on January 1, 2023. By 2024, it had already reviewed and ruled on thousands of appeals related to laws and amendments.

Since May 4, 2020, the Senate has been chaired by Maulen Ashimbayev. He retained his post after the 2023 elections, leading a newly composed chamber. It appears likely that he will have the distinction of being the Senate’s last chairman.

A New Year, A New Referendum

Throughout its existence, the Senate has often been criticized by politicians and the public. It was widely seen as a kind of “political retirement home” — a place where senior officials and aging politicians were sent at the end of their careers.

Many also noted that the Senate and the Majilis effectively functioned as one chamber: bills passed without real debate, disputes, or public clashes. This raised doubts about the need for a bicameral parliament at all, if both houses acted in sync and failed to provide checks and balances. Still, in recent years, senators and deputies occasionally disagreed with one another.

Rumors of parliamentary reform had circulated for years. On June 26, Maulen Ashimbayev commented on the possibility of merging or reforming the chambers:

From time to time, people raise such questions in the information space. Honestly, it is sometimes funny to listen or read such things. In terms of representing the interests of regions and social groups, we are doing good work. We hold discussions, ‘government hours,’ prepare legislative changes aimed at improving laws and developing the country.

At the time, he insisted that both chambers worked actively and that legislative quality was improving.

On September 8, in his address to the nation, President Qasym-Jomart Toqayev proposed moving toward a unicameral parliament in the future. The news did not shock the electorate.

The president stressed that the decision must undergo broad discussion and could be put to a national referendum in 2027. If citizens support the idea, the new parliament would be elected solely by party lists.

I myself had the opportunity to head the Senate for ten years, and I always perceived this work as a great honor and responsibility. Therefore, it is not easy for me to speak about parliamentary reform from this rostrum. Despite this, I will nevertheless make a proposal today to create a unicameral parliament in our country in the foreseeable future, Toqayev said.

Until then, the Senate will continue to function, while the Majilis will carry on with its legislative duties. Political parties, Toqayev said, should use this period to prepare for real competition.

Progress?

Political analyst Gaziz Abishev believes merging the two chambers would strengthen the new parliament’s authority, since all appointments and approvals currently split between the Senate and Majilis would be concentrated in a single chamber.

In other words, the role of the party leader who secures a majority in parliament will increase significantly. The stronger the majority — whether relative, absolute, or constitutional — the stronger the party leader’s position. If the arbitrary system of allocating mandates remains, some party may take more than two-thirds of the seats, and if its leader decides to become speaker, he will play one of the key roles in the entire state, Abishev said.

Deputy Azat Peruashev said his party fully supports the shift to a unicameral parliament, noting they had made the same proposal back in Nazarbayev’s time, although the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan debated it heatedly then.

At the same time, Peruashev argued against simply dissolving the Senate. He said the upper chamber had acted as a filter for Majilis decisions, allowing even the parliamentary minority to raise objections on certain laws:

We will probably propose that as part of this reform, instead of dissolving the Senate, its members be added to a unicameral parliament. This would create a broader unicameral body, not one that oversees but one that works together.

Karla Jamankulova, head of the Adil Soz International Foundation for the Protection of Freedom of Speech, said the president is clearly tired of bureaucracy and delays, which is why he is betting on artificial intelligence and political reforms.

Of course, putting the unicameral parliament decision to a referendum is expected, and I personally welcome it. Fine, we will create political parties. Perhaps institutionalization, not nominal roles, will at least somewhat protect the country’s political course from manipulation and opportunistic provocations, she said.

State Counselor Yerlan Karin stressed that the reform reflects the president’s core formula: “Strong president — influential parliament — accountable government.” He said the referendum underscores the principle that historic decisions about the country’s future must be made collectively, with public participation.

According to Karin, Toqayev once again demonstrates openness and consistency by announcing his plans in advance. This was also the case with the 2022–2023 political reforms and the proposed referendum on building a nuclear power plant, both of which were discussed long before being implemented.

It is important to emphasize: this is not about immediately amending the Constitution and holding parliamentary elections. That is not the goal. The main aim is to further strengthen the institutional foundations of the political system. That is why the president advocates a measured, gradual approach. First, there must be comprehensive and substantive discussion among experts and the public,Karin said.

Political analyst Dosym Satpayev offered a less flattering view.

He called Toqayev’s proposal expected but far from new:

This is an old topic, raised long ago. For example, in February 2022, after the January events, I wrote an article titled ‘What Parliament Does Kazakhstan Need?’ where I emphasized the need for a unicameral parliament based on a mixed proportional-majoritarian system. Having a bicameral parliament in a unitary state is the exception rather than the rule. In Kazakhstan, it arose because of conflicts between the first president and the Supreme Council in the early 1990s.

Satpayev argued that the current initiative is less about democratization than about preparing for a future power transition. If the Senate is abolished and a unicameral system introduced, the parliament’s speaker would automatically rise higher in the constitutional hierarchy.

This means another key position appears — one that could hypothetically be claimed by former presidents. Thus, this is not liberalization of the system, but a new configuration tailored for upcoming political processes.

He warned that electing parliament solely by party lists would keep it dependent on the executive. He called such a system a road to nowhere, saying closed party lists undermine electoral legitimacy and increase deputies’ dependence on party leaders.

Satpayev reminded that one of the causes of the January events was the absence of real opposition parties capable of channeling protest sentiment into the electoral field. Without majoritarian districts and independent candidates, he said, parliament risks becoming an institution controlled entirely by pro-government parties.

Original Author: Artyom Volkov